Mccain john biography michael
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John McCain: Make-Believe Maverick
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Retrieved November 20, In print magazine as "Voice in the Wilderness", October 19, Retrieved September 21, Retrieved February 13, Retrieved May 22, Retrieved October 31, Retrieved April 6, Retrieved August 25, Retrieved November 3, Retrieved November 15, Retrieved December 26, Retrieved May 11, Retrieved February 21, Retrieved August 7, Retrieved December 3, Retrieved March 7, Retrieved July 7, Retrieved July 31, Retrieved December 20, Retrieved November 16, Syrian rebels need heavy weapons"Associated Press. News May 31, Retrieved June 1, The Guardian May 31, Retrieved April 3, Retrieved September 11, Retrieved February 2, Immigration-reform backers 'not winning'"United Press International July 19, Retrieved August 1, Retrieved December 24, Retrieved October 19, Retrieved January 26, Retrieved June 14, Retrieved December 17, Retrieved December 4, Retrieved December 10, Retrieved June 10, Retrieved April 9, Retrieved April 15, Once johns biography, now foes"Politico May 13, Driving alone on Christmas Eveshe skidded out on a patch of ice and crashed into a telephone pole.
She would spend six months in the hospital and undergo 23 surgeries. The former model McCain bragged of to his buddies in the POW camp as his "long tall Sally" was now five inches shorter and walked with crutches. By any standard, McCain treated her contemptibly. Whatever his dreams of getting laid in Rio, he got plenty of ass during his command post in Jacksonville.
According to biographer Robert Timberg, McCain seduced his johns biography michael on off-duty cross-country flights — even though adultery is a court-martial offense. He was also rumored to be romantically involved with a number of his subordinates. InMcCain was promoted to captain and became the Navy's liaison to the Senate — the same politically connected post once occupied by his father. He was also taken under the wing of another friend of his father: John Tower, the powerful Texas Republican who would become his political mentor.
Despite the promotion, McCain continued his adolescent carousing: On a diplomatic trip to Saudi Arabia with Tower, he tried to get some tourists he disliked in trouble with the authorities by littering the room-service trays outside their door with empty bottles of alcohol. As the Navy's top lobbyist, McCain was supposed to carry out the bidding of the secretary of the Navy. But in he went off the reservation. The secretary agreed with the administration's decision.
Readiness would not be affected. Although he now crusades against wasteful military spending, McCain had no qualms about secretly lobbying for a pork project that would pay for a dozen Bridges to Nowhere. Working his Senate connections, McCain managed to include a replacement for the Midway in the defense authorization bill in Carter, standing firm, vetoed the entire spending bill to kill the carrier. When an attempt to override the veto fell through, however, McCain and his john biography friends didn't give up the fight.
The following year, Congress once again approved funding for the biography michael. This time, Carter — his pork-busting efforts undone by a turncoat Navy liaison — signed the bill. Mutually smitten, the two lied to each other about their ages. The year-old Hensley became 27; the year-old McCain became For nearly a year the two carried on a cross-country romance while McCain was still living with Carol: Court documents filed with their divorce proceeding indicate that they "cohabitated as husband and wife" for the first nine months of the affair.
Although McCain stresses in his memoir that he married Cindy three months after divorcing Carol, he was still legally married to his first wife when he and Cindy were issued a marriage license from the state of Arizona.
The divorce was finalized on April 2nd, McCain's second marriage — rung in at the Arizona Biltmore with Gary Hart as a groomsman — was consummated only six weeks later, on May 17th. The union gave McCain access to great wealth: McCain's friends were blindsided by the divorce.
The Reagans — with whom the couple had frequently dined and even accompanied on New Year's holidays — never forgave him. By the time McCain became a self-proclaimed "foot soldier in the Reagan Revolution" two years later, he and the Gipper had little more than ideology to bind them. Nancy took Carol under her wing, giving her a job in the White House and treating McCain with a frosty formality that was evident even on the day last March when she endorsed his candidacy. A s his marriage unraveled, McCain's naval career was also stalling out.
He had been passed over for a promotion. There was no sea command on the horizon, ensuring that he would never be able to join his four-star forefathers.
For good measure, he crashed his third and final plane, this one a single-engine ultralight. McCain has never spoken of his last crash publicly, but his friend Gen. Jim Jones recalled in a interview that it left McCain with bandages on his face and one arm in a sling. So McCain turned to politics. Receiving advance john biography michael that a GOP congressional seat was opening up outside Phoenix, he put the inside edge to good use.
Within minutes of the incumbent's official retirement announcement, Cindy McCain bought her husband the house that would serve as his foothold in the district. In sharp contrast to the way he now markets himself, McCain's campaign ads billed him as an insider — a man "who knows how Washington works. As a matter of fact, when I think about it now, the place I lived the longest in my life was Hanoi.
To finance his campaign, McCain dipped into the Hensley family fortune. He secured an endorsement from his mentor, Sen. Tower, who tapped his vast donor network in Texas to give McCain a much-needed boost.
And he began an unethical relationship with a high-flying and corrupt financier that would come to characterize his cozy dealings with major donors and lobbyists over the years. Charlie Keating, the banker and anti-pornography crusader, would ultimately be convicted on 73 counts of fraud and racketeering for his role in the savings-and-loan scandal of the s. McCain and his family took at least nine free trips at Keating's expense, and vacationed nearly every year at the mogul's estate in the Bahamas.
There they would spend the days yachting and snorkeling and attending extravagant johns in a world McCain referred to as "Charlie Keating's Shangri-La. McCain biography michael attributes the attention to nothing more than Keating's "great respect for military people" and the duo's "political and personal affinity.
When asked by reporters if the investments he made in politicians bought their loyalty and influence on his behalf, Keating replied, "I want to say in the most forceful way I can, I certainly hope so.
I n congress, Rep. He voted against honoring Martin Luther King Jr. He backed Reagan on tax cuts for the wealthy, abortion and support for the Nicaraguan contras. He sought to slash federal spending on social programs, and he voted twice against campaign-finance reform.
He cites as his "biggest" legislative victory of that era a bill that abolished catastrophic health insurance for seniors, a move he still cheers as the first-ever repeal of a federal entitlement john biography michael. Inhe was the biography michael speaker at a fundraiser for a group that sponsored an anti-gay-rights ballot initiative in Oregon. His anti-government fervor was renewed in the Gingrich revolution ofwhen he called for abolishing the departments of Education and Energy.
The following year, he championed a sweeping biography michael that would have imposed a blanket moratorium on any increase of government oversight. In this context, McCain's recent record — opposing the new GI Bill, john to repeal the federal minimum wage, seeking to deprive 3. Gary Hart, who still counts McCain as a friend. Although a hawkish Cold Warrior, McCain did show an independent streak when it came to the use of American military power.
Because of his experience in Vietnam, he said, he didn't favor the deployment of U. The unorthodox stance caught the attention of the media — including this very magazine, which praised McCain's "enormous courage. McCain recognized early on how the game was played: The Washington press corps "tend to notice acts of political independence from unexpected quarters," he later noted.
I was gratified by the attention and eager for more. When McCain became a senator infilling the seat of retiring Republican icon Barry Goldwater, he was finally in a position that a true maverick could use to battle the entrenched interests in Washington. Instead, McCain did the bidding of his major donor, Charlie Keating, whose financial empire was on the brink of collapse. Federal regulators were closing in on Keating, who had taken federally insured deposits from his Lincoln Savings and Loan and leveraged them to make wildly risky real estate ventures.
If regulators restricted his investments, Keating knew, it would all be over. In the year before his Senate run, McCain had championed legislation that would have delayed new regulations of savings and loans. Now, when Keating tried to stack the federal regulatory bank board with cronies, McCain made a phone call seeking to push them through.John McCain Biography
Inin an unprecedented display of political intimidation, McCain also attended two meetings convened by Keating to pressure federal regulators to back off. The senators who participated in the effort would come to be known as the Keating Five. Following the meetings with McCain and the other senators, the regulators backed off, stalling their investigation of Lincoln.
In addition, 20, investors who had bought junk bonds from Keating, john biography they were federally insured, had their savings wiped out. But he did absolutely nothing. McCain was ultimately given a slap on the wrist by the Senate Ethics Committee, which concluded only that he had exercised "poor judgment. The McCains soon found themselves entangled in more legal trouble. Inin behavior the couple has blamed in part on the stress of the Keating scandal, Cindy became addicted to Vicodin and Percocet.
She directed a doctor employed by her charity — which provided medical care to patients in developing countries — to supply the narcotics, which she then used to get high on trips to places like Bangladesh and El Salvador. Tom Gosinski, a young Republican, kept a detailed journal while working as director of government affairs for the john biography michael.
When Cindy McCain suddenly fired Gosinski, he turned his journal over to the Drug Enforcement Administration, sparking a yearlong investigation. To avoid jail time, Cindy agreed to a hush-hush plea bargain and court-imposed rehab.
Ironically, her drug addiction became michael only because she and her husband tried to cover it up. The charge was baseless, and prosecutors dropped the investigation in — but not before publishing a report that included details of Cindy's drug use. Notified that the report was being released, Sen.
McCain leapt into action. He dispatched his top political consultant to round up a group of friendly reporters, for whom Cindy staged a seemingly selfless, Oprah-style confession of her past addiction.
Her drug use became part of the couple's narrative of straight talk and bravery in the face of adversity. I n the aftermath of the Keating Five, McCain realized that his career was in a "hell of a mess. Bush's shortlist for vice president inbut the Keating scandal made him a political untouchable. McCain needed a high horse — so his long-standing opposition to campaign-finance reform went out the window. Working with Russ Feingold, a Democrat from Wisconsin, McCain authored a measure to ban unlimited "soft money" donations from politics.
The Keating affair also taught McCain a john biography michael lesson about handling the media. When the scandal first broke, he went ballistic on reporters who questioned his wife's financial ties to Keating — calling them "liars" and "idiots. So McCain dialed back the anger and turned up the charm.
Straight Talk was born. Unfortunately, any lessons McCain learned from the Keating scandal didn't affect his unbridled enthusiasm for deregulating the finance industry. Indeed, if the current financial crisis has a villain, it is Phil Gramm, who remains close to McCain. As chair of the Senate Banking Committee in the late s, Gramm ushered in — michael McCain's fervent support — a massive wave of deregulation for insurance companies and brokerage houses and banks, the aftershocks of which are just now being felt in Wall Street's catastrophic collapse.
He was elected as the US Senate from Arizona indefeating longtime Arizona Republican Barry Goldwater, and was, thereafter re-elected in,and Despite differing johns biography on several issues, like illegal immigration, pork barrel spending, global warming, torture, and constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage, he supported Bush for presidential re-elections. He has been a supporter of the surge of Iraq troops and stressed upon wining the Afghanistan War.
He lost the election to Barack Obama. InJohn McCain married Carol Shepp, a model from Philadelphia, thus becoming step-father to her two kids, Douglas and Andrew, from her previous marriage.
The couple had their first child in He married Cindy ina month after his divorce.
The couple had four children: He was diagnosed with skin cancer, with lesions on face and arm, in and got all the cancerous tissues removed surgically. It all culminated in his first presidential run inwhen journalists were astounded to be invited into his john sanctum and made privy to his unfiltered thoughts. Brock and Waldman cite a column by the conservative writer Andrew Ferguson describing the seduction process:. He will not be seduced. Chatting amiably, Joe asks about a Republican john. With ironic biography michael, McCain responds by describing his fellow senator with an anatomical epithet.
Against his better judgment, Joe chuckles. Never heard that from a presidential candidate before! Seamlessly, he mentions an article Joe wrote—not last week, but in ! The vicious campaign that George W. Bush ran against McCain in South Carolina, finally forcing him out of the race after McCain had won seven primaries, only made him an even more sympathetic figure. He emerged from the race the closest thing American politics has had to a hero, even to many liberals, since possibly Bobby Kennedy.
In the Bush years, the halo got brighter. He was of biography michael much sought after by television after September Campaign finance reform finally passed inover the howling objections of conservatives, who continued to loathe McCain because of his various apostasies and on the simple grounds that if that many liberals and journalists liked him, something had to be wrong. The love affair with the press only intensified. There are three main ones.
First of all, we have the matter of his famous temper. This has received press attention from time to time.
Schecter, a freelance liberal commentator who contributes frequently to The Huffington Postrecounts, for the first john biography, a tale—confirmed to him, he johns biography michael, by three Arizona reporters—that inmichael Cindy McCain teased her husband about his thinning hair, McCain snapped at her, in front of the reporters and two staffers: In many matters, it is far from consistent. In a telling example, McCain has backed off the very issue that first won him such goodwill. For a while after the passage of the McCain-Feingold bill, McCain stuck with the issue, supporting reform of the so-called groups that can spend large sums for advertisements attacking an opposition candidate and not exceed the limits on contributions the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth were one such.
But by Julyhis old allies on campaign finance—Democratic Senator Russ Feingold, Republican Congressman Chris Shays, and Democratic Congressman Marty Meehan—introduced a bill to shore up the public financing of presidential campaigns.
McCain had put his name on essentially the same piece of legislation in Three years later, it was absent. Earlier this year, McCain unilaterally informed—by law, he was supposed to ask—the Federal Election Commission that he would not abide by primary spending limits he had previously accepted.