Urdu jang column najam sethi biography
What happened to the individual players of the Group who came to Balochistan? This page was last edited on 10 September , at During his military career, he served on various staff, command and instructional positions.
Firdous Ashiq Awan Dr. Maria Zulfiqar Khan Dr. Meraj ul Huda Siddiqui Dr. Muhammad Shahid Amin Khan Dr.
Ramesh Kumar Vankwani Dr. Tariq Fazal Chaudhary Dr. Tariq Mahmood Mian Dr. Zulfiqar Ali Mirza Dr. Chughtai Akhtar Sohail Dr. R Mehmood Ali Durrani Gen. R Mirza Aslam Beg Gen. Gen R Abdul Qayyum Lt. Gen R Asad Durrani Lt. Shehzad was a journalist of international repute. Indeed, he was briefly detained by the Taliban in Afghanistan in but later cultivated sufficiently good relations with them to interview their leading lights.
His insightful book on the Taliban has just been published in London and will be required reading even for experts on the subject. In recent times, his writings focused on areas of critical concern. He wrote about internal political developments in the armed forces of Pakistan, dilating on extensions, postings and transfers and as well as doctrinal, strategic and tactical maneuverings.
The dye was cast. Most have urdu jang column najam sethi biography informed their families, media employers and international watchdogs of their unsolicited interaction with the agency. A few have been roughed up already while others have been advised to heed the writing on the wall. These are testing times for Pakistani journalists caught in various sectarian, ethnic, Taliban and Agency crossfires. On top of that is the plunging credibility of the armed forces and their Intel Agencies in the eyes of Pakistanis and a desperate bid by them to halt the slide by silencing civilian dissent.
If silence is not an option, what to do? Families, friends and colleagues may also be emboldened to collectively harness the judiciary to bear witness to, and redress, all such infringements of fundamental rights. Second, the media must help create a national consensus to back the armed forces and government in the war against terrorism. Having suffered the most losses, the army and Intel agencies are easily provoked by shrill, sometimes ill-informed critics belittling their competence or accusing them of complicity or lack of zeal in defending national honour or sovereignty.
Pakistan is passing through a rough transition in state-nationhood. For the first time, the media is able and free to debate and discuss complex issues and demand accountability of public servants in the army and bureaucracy and elected representatives alike. The civil-military imbalance is also coming under democratic scrutiny in an unprecedented manner with parliament desperately trying to impose a measure of input and oversight on the conduct and national security policies of the armed forces. A proliferation of enquiries focused on the role of the urdu jang column najam sethi biography forces and security agencies in many areas of security and governance is creating tension and raising blood pressures in all the organs of the state.
The situation calls for restraint, responsibility and accountability in equal measure from the media, military and politicians as stakeholders. There are two core dimensions to this angry retort.
But there is another way of looking at the matter. Therefore if the latter is kosher for critical appraisal, the former should not take exception to an application of the same rules to its own behaviour and urdu jang column najam. Such democracies in the West or in India are built on solid and enduring foundations of civilian and constitutional oversight biography their respective militaries. The difference between the free media in such established, consensual and functional civilian democracies and the free media in a dysfunctional and fledgling democracy with excessive military overhang in Pakistan is also worth stating.
In the event, the boot might well be on the other foot. Shaheen Sehbai, group editor at the News, described the story as "agencies' copy" and said he would investigate its origins. The incident fits in with the wider Pakistani reaction to WikiLeaks since the first cables emerged.
But Pakistan's media has given a wide berth to stories casting the military in a negative light, focusing instead on the foibles of the country's notoriously weak politicians. Meanwhile conspiracy theorists, including some journalists, insist Washington secretly leaked the cables in an effort to discredit the Muslim world; the Saudi ambassador described them as propaganda.
But the real cables do contain allegations of Indian support for Baloch separatists, largely sourced to British intelligence assessments. Pakistan's press is generally cautious in reporting about its own army. But some internet commentators said the latest WikiLeaks story was a bridge too far.
A cable from US Embassy in Islamabad leaked by whistle-blower website WikiLeaks disclosed that urdu were enough evidences of Indian involvement in Waziristan and other tribal areas of Pakistan as well as Balochistan. WikiLeaks revealed that a biography sent from a US mission in India termed former Indian Army chief General Deepak Kapoor as an incompetent combat leader and rather a geek. Foreign hand in Balochistan?
India on the east, China in the north and Iran and Afghanistan on the biography. Which foreign hand has an interest in destabilising Balochistan? Is Iran arming Baloch insurgents? Here are a few facts: Sistan va Baluchestan, with an area ofkilometres, is the column najam sethi largest province in Iran. Sistan va Baluchestan has a population of nearly two million and occupies Will Iran prop up Baloch nationalism in Pakistan at the risk of encouraging nationalist fervour in Iranian Balochistan? As a matter of record, the Iranian Air Force actually helped us quell the 'rebellion' during the 70s by loaning us their helicopters.
Furthermore, Iran now has an economic interest in the stability of Pakistan's Balochistan or her dream of selling hundreds of millions of dollars worth of natural gas will evaporate in thin air. Is Afghanistan arming Baloch insurgents? Then there is Hamid Karzai, so deeply engulfed in troubles of his own neither interested nor capable of arming Baloch insurgents. Is America arming Baloch insurgents? Right now, a stable Pakistan is in America's best strategic interest.
Bush needs Musharraf to be focused on Bush's 'war on terror' rather than a powerful distraction elsewhere. And, if Uncle Sam wanted Baloch insurgents to win there is little we can do anyway.
Is al-Qaeda arming Baloch insurgents? Baloch nationalists are secular al-Qaeda is not; the two have very different agendas and goals. Is China arming Baloch insurgents? Gwadar is China's strategic foothold in the Arabian Sea. An instable Balochistan is not in China's interest.
Najam Sethi Urdu Columns
Finally, is India arming Baloch insurgents? The only way that India can arm Baloch insurgents is either through Iran or through Afghanistan. Clearly, India cannot support Baloch insurgents through Iran without the explicit permission of the supreme leader Sayyid Ali Khamenei. Additionally, an instable Balochistan jeopardises India's pipeline dreams and is not in India's long-term economic interests. There is little doubt that arms are flowing into Pakistan's Balochistan both through Iran and Afghanistan.
That, however, in no way means that the states of Iran or Afghanistan are directly urdu jang column najam sethi biography. Surely, the entire region has long been flooded with Kalashnikovs, heavy machine guns, rocket propelled grenades, landmines and mortars.
Every kind of killing machine is available to anyone who is willing to pay the price, and then Pakistan's border with Afghanistan is a rugged 2, kilometres long, the one with Iran is kilometres even America has failed to block the supply of arms to Iraqi 'insurgents'.
To be urdu jang column najam sethi biography, the real threat in Balochistan is from DDP; deprivation, discrimination and poverty. According to a recent estimate, "89 per cent of rural Balochistan is in high deprivation areas. Looking at poverty, the incidence of poverty in Balochistan is 50 per cent of the population, twice that of Punjab the literacy rate of females in Balochistan is at 16 per cent, the lowest in Pakistan and worse than what it is in Ethiopia.
The very structure of the state of Pakistan is such that authority is extremely centralised, and the needs of large segments of Pakistani population outside the power structure are not responded to until they go violent.
When Balochistan goes violent, gunship helicopters with automatic cannons are sent in. There is no military solution to deprivation, discrimination and poverty. Indeed, the soldiers have to unavoidably target ordinary Baloch as well.
Munir Hussain (commentator)
The ongoing 'operation' marks the second occasion during General Pervez Musharraf's rule that military force is being applied against Balochistan. Why does the Pakistani state resort to use of force in Balochistan? The Baloch are certainly alienated. They engage in ambushes, bomb blasts, rocket attacks and sabotage. Even Karachi is not outside their ambit.
Why are the people of Balochistan so antagonised with the Centre? Let's pause and think. Perhaps the federal authorities have resorted to force so many times in Balochistan because its people tend to protest in less peaceful ways. And what do the Baloch people want, some of whom are now insurgents? Is there something strange about Balochistan? Or is there some peculiar trait in the central authorities? In any case, what has Islamabad achieved through the use of force?
What is certain is that the reactions of the common Baloch people to the Centre's politics have been adverse. But that is not urdu jang column najam sethi biography. Of all the three minority provinces, Balochistan is about the most discontented. Currently, news of ambushes, rocket attacks on military targets, and sabotage of railway tracks and gas pipelines is frequent. True, many Baloch leaders doubt whether the BLA exists.
But the evidence of actions does amount to a low-level insurgency. It is therefore urgent to repeat: Military actions involve killing of unproven 'miscreants' that may include any number of innocents. That has a political cost. The story of the army's deployment in Balochistan has been decades in the making. The Pakistan Army's show of force ensured the accession of Balochistan soon after independence, though happily no blood was shed.
Then, President Ayub Khan used the army to put down what were perhaps isolated dissident protests.
In the PPP government launched a major four-year-long operation. The fourth time was last year, under Musharraf, when the army killed many locals in the Kohlu and Dera Bugti areas. And now Musharraf is again quelling the 'miscreants'. An attempt on the president's urdu jang column najam sethi biography in Kohlu last month shows how grim the situation is. Eight rockets were fired and one landed just two hundred yards from the president.
Within days a rocket fired by insurgents hit a helicopter carrying two top officers of the Frontier Constabulary; both were wounded. The fighting as I write is extensive and also bloody. One wonders how many innocent Pakistanis who may not be BLA members are being killed. Obviously the quest for establishing the writ of the authority is the motive behind such use of force. Hussain remained the president of the KCCA for two terms, and a member for many years.
Cricket commentator, Chishty Mujahid, paid tributes his services and said that he was a multifaceted personality as a cricket administrator, commentator, journalist, critic, analyst, organizer and much more.
Hussain's first passion was journalism; his earliest successful magazine was Filmasiadedicated to the Indian and Pakistani film industries. He migrated from Amritsar to Pakistan in Hussain suffered from ulcers and underwent blood transfusion 60 times.
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